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An analysis of the nature, causes, and significance of violence in the second half of the twentieth century. Arendt also reexamines the relationship between war, politics, violence, and power. “Incisive, deeply probing, written with clarity and grace, it provides an ideal framework for understanding the turbulence of our times”(Nation). Index.
- Sales Rank: #28982 in Books
- Brand: Hannah Arendt
- Published on: 1970-03-11
- Released on: 1970-03-11
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.00" h x .34" w x 5.31" l, .27 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 112 pages
- On Violence
About the Author
Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) was an influential German political theorist and philosopher whose works include The Origins of Totalitarianism, The Human Condition, and Eichmann in Jerusalem.
Most helpful customer reviews
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
The Refutation of Theory with Thought
By Pretend Person
This work was originally an essay, later published in book form, and has since become the standard reference on the nature of violence in politics. The fundamental thesis is that political power and political violence are opposites and that it is the power void that invites violence (by those trying hold onto attenuating power and by those trying to capture power) with all of its attendant consequences. It is not power that flows from the barrel of a gun, it is violence. However, this book is abstract and conceptual in nature, it is not a moral or ethical analysis of violence.
What I enjoy most about reading Hannah Arendt is that she cannot be classified into a political school of thought, theoretical framework or political ideology. She is not a Marxist, or a Hegelian nor is she a classic liberal or a conservative. She is a not a libertarian nor a capitalist, socialist or communist. She is an independent thinker in political and social issues which is indeed a very rarefied quality that keeps her work relevant and fresh some forty years after her death. Only the examples in the text are dated, not the thinking or analysis offered.
As America transforms itself into a quasi-plutocracy with the citizens of this society having too much to lose to allow anything, especially political violence, no matter the cause, interfere with the smooth workings of the consumer society, one might wonder how relevant a philosophical examination of political violence might indeed be under such circumstances. After all, the American techno-consumer lifestyle is non-negotiable and violence can only disturb an otherwise self-absorbed, self-satisfied, self-interested complacent citizenry. Hannah Arendt identified this process as already underway forty years ago as she saw participatory self-government giving way to indifferent bureaucracy. There is an ongoing attenuation of political participation, responsibility and thus political freedom on the part of the citizenry.
Hannah Arendt points out that part of the problem is that we like to hold in high regard our governing principle of enlightened self-interest not realizing that self-interest cannot be enlightened because by definition self-interest is self-defined and self-centered and cannot be enlightened beyond itself. Self-interest and the public-interest have mismatching time horizons. Self qua self cannot be enlightened beyond the self and the American citizenry, in the midst of such self-ness may not be an enlightened enough citizenry with a broad enough perspective to maintain the constitutional framework. As Hannah Arendt points out, it is as if we are determined to repeat with great haste the very errors of the European nations that the framers of the Constitution sought to correct.
Before we become even more complacent and self-absorbed, I think we should still consider Hannah Ardent’s very relevant and thoughtful analysis about the use and consequences of violence in political action before such violence rears up again with us little able to understand it and deal with it.
In my own small way I have also prepared a summary of each of the three very engaging parts but elected not to post it with the understanding that perspective readers of a book of this caliber do not need a ‘Cliff Notes’ style summary in order to understand and evaluate the thesis as well as its implications for contemporary American political and social culture.
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Interesting exploration of violence and power
By Lindsey Peterson
This was a really great work of political theory by Arendt. It explores violence, mostly through the lens of the 1960s when she was writing this book. It looks at the student rebellions across the world, in both democracies and communist countries. The coincidence of the uprisings is interesting, and she posits that they are both protesting for the same reason, albeit in different manifestations. Students around the world were looking for freedom. The students in communist countries were looking for freedom to express themselves through both speech and action and thereby have an effect on the processes and progress of their respective countries. The students in the Western democracies were protesting their lack of freedom in action. They protested the lack of agency they felt. Both sets of students felt impotent and unimportant, as if they entirely didn't count, and decided to protest against it.
Some of the most impacting quotes for me:
"Rage is by no means an automatic reaction to misery and suffering as such; no one reacts with rage to an incurable disease or to an earthquake or, for that matter, to social conditions that seem to be unchangeable. Only where there is reason to suspect that conditions could be changed and are not does rage arise. Only when our sense of justice is offended do we react with rage, and this reaction by no means necessarily reflects personal injury, as is demonstrated by the whole history of injury, as is demonstrated by the whole history of revolution, where invariably members of the upper classes touched off and then led the rebellions of the oppressed and downtrodden."
"Power and violence are opposites; where the one rules absolutely, the other is absent. Violence appears where power is in jeopardy, but left to its own course it ends in power's disappearance... Violence can destroy power; it is utterly incapable of creating it."
"Where all are guilty, no one is; confessions of collective guilt are the best possible safeguard against the discovery of culprits, and the very magnitude of the crime is the best excuse for doing nothing."
"Racism, white or black, is fraught with violence by definition because it objects to natural organic facts - a white or black skin - which no persuasion or power could change; all one can do, when the chips are down, is to exterminate their bearers. Racism, as distinguished from race, is not a fact of life, but an ideology, and the deeds it leads to are not reflex actions, but deliberate acts based on pseudo-scientific theories. Violence in interracial struggle is always murderous, but it is not "irrational"; it is the logical and rational consequence of racism, by which I do not mean some rather vague prejudices on either side, but an explicit ideological system."
"The technical development of the implements of violence has now reached the point where no political goal could conceivably correspond to their destructive potential or justify their actual use in armed conflict."
19 of 19 people found the following review helpful.
A destroyer of common sense myths about violence and its related concepts
By Herbert L Calhoun
Professor Arendt has again turned the commonplace on its head with her wit and piercing logic, and has used her unfiltered and unadulterated thinking to milk additional meanings and understandings from the accepted conventional wisdom. Her clean thinking and careful analysis has become a force to be reckoned with, and as a result, has acquired a life of its own.
After reaching the end of this sharply focused essay, I discovered it is best read in reverse, beginning with section III and working backwards.
It is a tutorial on the origins, use and misuse of violence, and its associated concepts of power, strength, authority, and terror, and to a much lesser extent also, influence, control, obedience, and command.
It is section III that deals with the origins of violence in both human and animal. And as is true with the other sections, existing common sense and settled sociological theology are reopened and challenged. Both Konrad Lorentz and B.F. Skinner's theories, for instance are placed anew under the microscope, in light of human, rather than just anthropomorphized animal experience, with surprisingly new understandings emerging.
Section II deals with the definitional slipperiness of these concepts as they have been used and misused -- again with surprisingly new interpretations. And again, the standard understandings are reopened for further analysis and the old authorities are challenged to redefine their often ossified and misleading meanings and interpretations.
Section I begins with the existing experience at the time the book was first written (1957) and includes analyses of violence at both the international and the national level, but not at the interpersonal level. Although these examples are anything but fresh, this in no way affects the freshness of the analysis. I was especially impressed with the way the author ripped the so-called revolutionary movements of the 60s, including the black power movement and Third World revolutionary movements in general. As she puts it so trenchantly: "The Third World is not a reality but an ideology." The section on terror however, left me cold: in light of the likes of Osama bin Laden, the role and effects of terror, could certainly use some updating.
My only other complaint is that the analysis is almost too abstract and almost too removed from the meat of contemporary experience, in the sense that the moral dimension is never brought directly into the picture. This omission makes the analyses seem almost synthetic, sterile and wholly academic, although I am sure with the author's background this could not have been her intent.
Still, even if one has to imagine how to factor her analyses back into contemporary situations, the wisdom contained in this short volume and the intellectual skill with which it is done, are priceless. Five stars
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